不久前，美國國民正嚴肅看著民 主黨代表大會(DNC)召開的同時，筆者人在深圳，不過還是可以透過iPad知道大會的一些討論；而我并不預期DNC會在中國成為民眾茶余飯后閑聊的話題。但當我與中國朋友約在深圳繁忙市中心的一家咖啡店時，幾乎才剛坐下，她就問 我有關于美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬夫人蜜雪兒(Michele Obama)的問題。 我這位朋友是透過網(wǎng)絡看了美國第一夫人的演講，并總結其重點是將“家庭”與“信念”視為人生中最重要的東西；她完全無法想象中國有任何一位政治領導人會表達如此的情緒。她說，中國人如果被問到自己的“信念”是什么，通常會不知所措；如果有的話，中國人生活中的優(yōu)先項目，應該是努力工作與賺錢。 當然，我告訴她，美國人也是一樣相信需要努力工作賺錢，因為那樣才能支應生活所需；把“家庭”與“信念”擺在前面是理想化的目標，有些美國人會真的把那些理想放在前面，但其它人不會。不同的可能是美國人認為說出來很重要，并會與同伴相互提醒彼此擁有共通的價值觀；這種價值觀對話特別會在總統(tǒng)大選期間被放大。 所謂的“美國夢” 是一個偉大神話(myth)，不過這個神話存在于美國，因為它已經(jīng)在民族精神中根深蒂固；美國民 主黨前任領袖Robert Strauss曾幽默地形容，最完美的美國總統(tǒng)候選人，最好是出生在他自己親手蓋的小木屋里。當我談起“美國夢”時，我的中國朋友很疑惑地看著我；我解釋說，當然啦，要當美國總統(tǒng)、或是美國最有錢的人，“美國夢”并非必要的，這個夢強調機會平等，所以每個人都可能成功。 然后我問她，“中國夢”是什么？ 幾年前，《大西洋月刊(Atlantic Monthly)》記者James Fallows也曾經(jīng)丟出這個問題，他并在新書《空降中國(China Airborne)》以及一篇月刊特別報導中，進一步表達了他的想法。這是一個很大的問題，而且一直縈繞在我的腦海；數(shù)月前，一個住在北京的朋友提醒我： “順子，在中國有個電視節(jié)目就叫‘中國夢想’，非常受歡迎，中國確實有“中國夢”！” “中國夢想秀”是一個真人實境節(jié)目，邀請有不凡夢想的中國人上節(jié)目；每一集里，觀眾可參與決定當周的參賽者能否實現(xiàn)他們的夢想。當然，那個節(jié)目的焦點是個人的夢想，并不會有意識地體現(xiàn)任何一種 與民族精神相關的“中國夢”；如同F(xiàn)allows最近在紐約“亞洲交流協(xié)會(Asia Society)”發(fā)表的演說指出：“目前的“中國夢”只是個人夢想的累積。” 確實，所有被我問到“中國夢”的中國朋友，都很難回答這個問題；而且就算我改問，是什么信仰、信念構成了中國，也沒什么幫助；說到底，中國與美國一樣，是個聚集了數(shù)十種居住在不同區(qū)域、擁有不同語言文化之民族的大陸。 有個中國朋友告訴我，中國的“黏合劑”是“調控”──來自中央的力量讓國家團結，他認為，“調控”是讓國家和平的必要手段：“至少這對現(xiàn)階段的中國很重要?！边€有另外一個答案是“金錢”；一個住北京的熟人表示，對金錢的渴望推動了中國走向繁榮的夢想，當人們理所當然地認為正義是遙不可及，至少金錢是每個人都能握在手中的。 對很多中國人來說，某人如何致富、或者是國家將如何確保每個人取得的致富機會是公平的，并不是很重要；更精確地說，“公正(fairness)”、“不擇手段的正義(the means justifying the ends)”等詞匯，不會成為公共論述(public discourse)的內容。 從日常生活中觀察，中國人之間的共通情感，應該是：“我有我自己的，你也靠你自己。”或者是像Fallows在他的書里引述中國朋友所言：“一切都是為了我的家人和朋友，沒有為了別人的。”──因此我懷疑，我該不會是唯一覺得中國在很多共同價值、 哲學上都跟美國的共和黨很像的人吧？ 本文授權編譯自EE Times，版權所有，謝絕轉載 編譯：Judith Cheng 參考英文原文：Yoshida in China: What is the Chinese Dream?，by Junko Yoshida

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{pagination} Yoshida in China: What is the Chinese Dream? Junko Yoshida SHANGHAI, China – Last week, while serious citizens in the United States were watching the Democratic National Convention unfold, I was in Shenzhen. But I was able to catch up with a few convention speeches on my iPad. The last thing I expected, however, was for the DNC to be a topic of water cooler conversation in China. I had barely sat down with my Chinese girlfriend at a Starbucks in busy downtown Shenzhen before she asked me about Michele Obama. The Chinese woman, who saw the First Lady’s speech on the Internet, summarized its essence as putting “family” and “faith” foremost in life. My friend can’t imagine any political leader in her country uttering such sentiments. Ordinary Chinese would be at a loss if asked what “faith” he or she professes, she added. If anything, life’s priorities in China are to work hard and earn money. Of course, I replied that Americans, too, believe in working hard and making money, because after all that’s what pays the bills and we all need to live. Putting “family” and “faith” first is an aspirational goal. Some Americans actually do put these ideals first; others don’t. The difference might be the American conviction that it’s important to spell out and remind one another that we are held together by common values. The values conversation gets amplified during a presidential election year. The so-called American Dream is a grand myth. But the myth lives on in the United States, because it’s ingrained in the national ethos. Former Democratic leader Robert Strauss expressed it humorously by saying that the perfect presidential candidate is a man who was born in a log cabin that he built himself. My Chinese friend looked puzzled when I started talking about the American Dream. I had to explain that, of course, the American Dream isn’t necessarily about becoming the President of the United States, or becoming the richest man in the country. The dream is to ensuring equal opportunity, so that everyone has a chance to succeed. My question to her was: What’s the Chinese Dream? Journalist James Fallows popped that question in the Atlantic Monthly a few years ago. He further articulated it in his latest book "China Airborne" and in a special report in the magazine. It’s a great question, and it sticks in my mind. A few months ago, a friend living in Beijing reminded me, “Junko, there is even a TV show in China called ‘Chinese Dream.’ It’s very popular. Of course, China has a Chinese Dream!” Control? Money? “Chinese Dream” is a reality show featuring various Chinese people with extraordinary dreams. In each show, the audience participates in deciding whether that week’s contestants will be granted their dream. Of course, the show is really focused individual dreams. It doesn’t consciously embody any sort of national ethos about THE Chinese Dream. As Fallows said in a recent speech at the Asia Society in New York: “For the moment, the only Chinese dream that mattered was the accumulation of individual dreams.” Indeed, Chinese people I talked to do struggle to answer my Chinese Dream question. It doesn’t help when I ask what faith, and what beliefs hold China together. China, after all — like the United States — is a huge continent composed of dozens of ethnic groups living in different regions with different cultures and languages. One answer offered by a Chinese friend is that China’s “glue” is “control.” Control by the government holds the nation together. She views ‘control’ as a necessary to keep the nation at peace. “At least at this stage of China’s history, it’s important,” she added. Another obvious answer was “money.” A Beijing acquaintance said that the desire for money drives the Chinese toward a dream of prosperity. When the people assume that justice is out of reach, he explained, money is at least something everyone can hang onto. Among many Chinese, how one gets rich, or how the country ensures that everyone has a fair shot at getting rich, are issues that don’t seem to matter very much. More accurately, terms like “fairness” and “the means justifying the ends” tend not to pop up in public discourse. In a nation without national elections, perhaps it’s silly, or at least premature, to ponder abstractions like the Chinese Dream or “the faith of our (Chinese) fathers.” Certainly, such notions are not something requiring lip service from politicians here. Clearly, the common sentiment among the Chinese, observed in everyday life, comes down to this: “I’ve got mine. You are on your own.” Or, as Fallows said in his book, quoting a Chinese friend: “Everything for my family and friends; nothing for anyone else.” So, I wonder. Am I alone in thinking that China — supposedly the last great stronghold of Communism — seems to have an awful lot in common, philosophically, with the Republican Party?